We are in Black History Month in the UK, and it seems it’s time for a reassessment. Over the years, an event that started out as a celebration and reminder of heritage, traditions and links between global Black communities, has developed a corporate feel, broadening to incorporate gatherings where African descendants are remunerated to talk to Caucasian groups about implicit prejudice and supportive partnership. The anti-racism rallies of the last decade sparked an increase in the enterprise of displaying cultural sensitivity. Yet, that phase is now over. The tide has reached its height, resulting in a somewhat empty inheritance of what increasing understanding is for.
First commemorated in the America and its northern neighbor, Black History Month was established in 1962 as a week dedicated to Negro history by historian of African descent Carter G. Woodson with multiple days of celebration and reflection in the February's second week. Black History Month grew out of this initiative and was publicly established in 1970. Now it is celebrated not only in the US and Canada in winter, but also in the tenth month in the Britain, Deutschland, Éire and the Netherlands.
The observance has evolved since that time, focusing less on the accounts of transatlantic enslavement and struggles for equality, and greater focus on influential individuals of color in politics, culture, and activism, and extensively acknowledging the input Black people have made to shape the country. It is in educational institutions where Black History Month is most commonly celebrated, with talks and cultural events. But the manner the celebration is celebrated is a manifestation of the political moment. How it develops is a good lesson in how assimilation leads to weakening: the transformation of Black History Month has hindered the objective of it, which is to address systemic and institutional racism.
Little demonstrates how critical it is to rethink Black History Month more than the current time in which it occurs this year. In the United Kingdom, a revitalized conservative movement in the guise of the Reform political group is top in opinion ratings. In the summer we observed the largest far-right rally in the UK's past. Kemi Badenoch, the African descendant in charge of the Conservative party, is a strong critic of the racial justice movement, and we are in a position where a legislator gains confidence to state that a lack of white people in specific city neighborhoods is a cause for alarm. At the same time, extreme conservative groups are expanding in the European continent as a complete entity.
In the United States, a massive attack against inclusion programs and preferential policies has been carried, repeatedly with positive outcomes, to the top legal institutions of the state. A drive to scrub Black history and experience from the historical documents is under way. One of the former president's early administrative commands targeted the National Museum of African American History and Culture, and the Smithsonian Institution, accusing them of a “concerted and widespread effort to rewrite our Nation’s history” by portraying America “as inherently racist”.
Against this backdrop, the celebration represents how little it can be impactful if it is restricted to either obligatory business commemorations, or depoliticized celebrations of historical achievements, rather than addressing the conditions of the contemporary world. It also reveals how its short period means that it is disconnected from the more extensive continuous action that is needed. Denise Miller, a prof at an educational institution, expressed it perfectly when she voiced worries about the short-term symbolic gestures of the month. “The problem with taking a tokenistic approach”, she stated, “is that it frequently results in that Black History Month evolves into a fleeting performance rather than a agent of progress.”
Establishing how to adapt, revise and extend actions for racial equality and recognition in such moments of dejection and worry is a treacherous thing. There is a inclination to just eliminate things like Black History Month altogether, believing they are no longer suitable, or are relics of an time that has not worked.
Yet, in spite of all this, Black History Month, and in fact the complete comprehensive structure and legacy of activism for racial justice – local anti-racism groups, diversity equity and inclusion initiatives, and indeed, including corporate presentations – constitute an infrastructure that a significant effort has been dedicated to. It is there not just to decay as the situation evolves (and in fact, deteriorates), but to be a dynamic entity.
So what would a new dynamic Black History Month look like? Well, first, it would be more than a single focused period: something that is spread out through the year (as certain organizations are already starting to implement), elements of its material (particularly around historic Black characters) integrated into educational programs. It would also be a period that does not evade governmental matters, and provides room for people, particularly the younger generation, to air their fears and experiences. What value has simple recognition of the past when it doesn’t reckon with the present reality of extreme conservative demonstrations in the urban areas? Institutions who observe it should not be comforted with the non-confrontational words of hidden discrimination and sensitivity to minor insults, but challenged by the threats that affect everyone if opposition to discrimination is not treated with importance. Briefly stated, Black History Month should be made current, urgent, and reactive. Maybe an total re-identification is necessary – Present-Day African Heritage Celebration.
Elara Vance is a passionate writer and storyteller, sharing her unique perspectives on creativity and everyday life experiences.
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Beth Hoffman
Beth Hoffman
Beth Hoffman
Beth Hoffman
Beth Hoffman